Future of War conf., reviewed by Tom Vanderbilt

hey all -
this just in:
————

War as Architecture
by Tom Vanderbilt

[published summer 2003 in The Knowledge Circuit, Design
Institute, University of Minnesota]

http://design.umn.edu/go/knowledgeCircuit/smr03.1.vanderbilt

NEW YORK, NY. War, as the old Clausewitzian saw goes, is the extension of
politics by other means. As we have been reminded in recent months, there
may be cause for a new dictum: War is the extension of architecture by
other means.

Apart from the obvious architectural connotations of war the need for
defensive shelter, the status of architecture as a target there is a
breadth of associative meaning between the two enterprises: both are about
the exercise of control over a territory; both involve strategic
considerations of the most apt site-specific solutions; both involve the
use of symbol, rhetoric, and cultural context.

In the Iraq campaign, the architectural connotations were legion, from the
New York Times Op-Ed writer who commented upon the fact that the
Hausmannian avenues and relatively low, dispersed skyline of Baghdad boded
well for its military penetration; to the surgical extraction of
architectural assets, shown in remarkable overhead clarity by the
satellite imagery of Evans and Sutherland, looking like the aerial mosaics
employed by urban planners (in fact, aerial warfare and urban planning
have long shared an eerie confluence of language and tactics, and even
practioners, as in the Air Forces Curtis LeMay, who studied urban planning
before overseeing the devastating aerial campaign on Japan); to the mere
fact that the rebuilding of Iraq will cost far more than its invasion.
More than a war of destruction, this is a war of construction. The terrain
itself was filled with three-dimensional militarism; an absolutist regime
produces absolutist architecture, after all, and nowhere was that better
signified than in Saddam Husseins crossed swords monument, fashioned from
the melted metal of Iraqi weaponry, festooned with myriad helmets (some
even functioned as speed bumps) taken from some of the one million
soldiers who died in the Iran-Iraq war. Architecture, or a gesture of war
itself?

Architecture, like war, is never entirely one thing, but a condition,
occasioned by culture and history, mediated by time and opinion. As Wayne
Ashley, curator of Thundergulch (the new media initiative of the Lower
Manhattan Cultural Council) and organizer of "The Future of War," said in
leading off the event, buildings can be seen as secure environments, but
also as objects to be destroyed. Is that really a hospital, or a weapons
cache? Is that an office building, or a symbol of imperialist domination?
As participants were to reiterate in different ways, architecture can be
the object of terrorism, or it can be terrorism: Mohammed Atta was a
student of urban planning; and as cultural theorist Benjamin Bratton
pointed out, a member of the "Black September" team of terrorists at the
1976 Munich Olympics was an architect who had worked on the complex they
occupied. War can be erased by terrorism or in some strange way
constructed by terrorism; who knew anything about the unremarkable Alfred
P. Murrah building before "Oklahoma City" as the event itself has come to
be known? The entire city has been collapsed by the metaphoric weight of
the bombing, turning the building into a shrine, more visited than any
architectural landmark known for its aesthetic merits.

One might reduce war to violence and art to aesthetics, but it is more
useful, albeit more unsettling, to explore what happens when one removes
those perceived oppositions. This was one of the underlying themes of the
"Future of War" conference, to "challenge comfortable categories" as
moderator Helen Nissenbaum phrased it at the outset of the opening panel,
"The Aesthetics and Politics of Technologized Warfare." While the first
presenter, the artist Joy Garnett, spoke while behind her on the screen
flashed images of her paintings drawn from the haunting imagery of the
military complex, stark images of contrails streaking through a night sky
("Tracer Fire") or stealth bombers in patterned flight. Her paintings,
which seek to use a more primal medium to wrest meaning out of an image
saturated environment, evoked from one audience member a comparison to the
recent use of "satellite phones" by embedded correspondents in Iraq. Did
the shaky, pixellated images, with literal and figurative gaps in their
composition, obscure the "reality" of what was happening or did their
low-tech immediacy actually enhance the realism? We needed a McLuhan was
the satphone a "hot" or "cool" medium?

Imagery is another condition shared by war and architecture: just as most
of us do not experience war, we often do not experience architecture;
rather, we "know" a building (through its repeated transmission) via
photography. But images do not just happen, they are created, and for a
reason. Many of Garnett's paintings were drawn from weapons effects
testing in the Nevada desert in the 1950s. The hundreds of thousands of
images (still and moving) generated by this activity were, largely,
classified for many decades. These were "images as dangerous as the
isotopes that produced them," she noted. Images as toxic waste, to be
buried beneath the sand. Inherent in her work is a questioning of the
"effects" of classifying these "effects tests." What happens when imagery
is removed, left in the dark for decades? What happens when it is returned
to the light? Scratchy footage of atomic tests from the Nevada deserts, as
men in goggles look on, functions nowadays more as historical kitsch than
pure horror. It has been sanitized by time, rendered as a strictly
historical document. "Declassification" speaks to their political and
aesthetic impotence. Of course, the weapons tests were hardly secret
people gathered on predawn Las Vegas rooftops to view them. They saw in
the blasts (they never saw the "effects") something else: perhaps a
sublime beauty, felt perhaps an awed speechless and frightened reverence
towards man's ability for self-destruction.

Tom Keenan, director of the Human Rights project at Bard College,
presented a countervailing narrative of sorts: He wanted to explore what
he calls "the paradoxes of openness." In other words, contrary to the idea
that war is a secret activity whose violence occurs off camera, away from
the public eye, and contrary to the notion that it could thus be fought
against if people only knew what was going on "mobilizing shame" in the
words of human rights groups Keenan argued that there is "nothing in art
that resists violence." Images and exposure do not necessarily stop war
in fact they may even "lead the charge," according to Keenan. He screened
footage from the Kosovo campaign that showed Serbian troops looting
villages near Pristina. They did not seem to be taking much, the BBC
correspondent noted, they merely seemed to be putting on a symbolic
display. The fatal moment came when one militia member, Kalishnakov rifle
in hand, waved to the cameras. The casualness of the gesture was
disturbing: They were not afraid of their violence being exposed, indeed
they seemed to welcome it. Keenan followed with another example, this time
the humanitarian intervention of U.S. troops in Somalia. He used the
example of the first Marine landing, a supposedly secret, "tactical"
approach that came ashore to a cavalcade of some 600 journalists, in full
klieg light, drawn like moths to the flame. As one Marine commander
worried about the presence of the press, a journalist chided back: "Like
you didn't know we were going to be here." The military, the media, both
were joint players in a performance, each feeling a bit awkward in the
role. Later, when an audience member decried the corporate ownership of
the U.S. media and the shortage of available imagery and information from
Iraq, Keenan begged to differ, noting the abundance of information sources
made possible by the internet and other outlets. The question was not, as
he put it, what the media was doing about the war, it was what we were
doing about it.

Art has been intricately intertwined with war at least since the days of
Leonardo da Vinci, whose drawings of siege engines and other commissions
for the Borgias rival anything in his corpus in terms of technique and
mastery. Those drawings, which in some cases presented fantastic new
visions of what war could be, are echoed in the simulation programs the
military now uses, created by partnerships involving the film and computer
programming industries. Art can even be used in the conduct of war e.g.,
it was recently revealed by a Spanish historian that a group of anarchists
in Spain during the Civil War had employed specially designed cells,
outfitted with surrealist decor inspired by Dali and Bunuel, for what they
called "psychotechnic" torture; as El Pais described, "The avant garde
forms of the moment surrealism and geometric abstraction were thus used
for the aim of committing psychological torture."

So too can architecture become a weapon, as revealed in a fascinating
presentation (part of a panel entitled "Architecture, Violence, and Social
(In)Security") by Eyal Weizman, a Tel Aviv-based architect. Weizman,
detailing the spread of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, noted their
"panopticon" like arrangement over neighboring Palestinian villages
(usually at a lower elevation) as well as their linkage, in certain cases,
by infrastructural devices (roads, tunnels) that bypass intervening zones
of Palestinian autonomy. Thus the Israeli superhighway soars over
Palestinian farmland, creating, as Weizman put it, "sovereignty in three
dimensions." The landscape as a whole, as he put it, is "in effect an
artificial arrangement of a totally synthetic environment, as designed as
any built environment, within which all 'natural' elements like streams
and mountains, forest orchards, rocks and ruins function not as the things
being fought for but as the very weapons of the conflict."

Weizman surveyed the architectural history of West Bank settlement, from
the frontier like "tower and stockade" outposts of the 1930s, in which
walled compounds were connected visually by tower reconnaissance and Morse
Code; to the energetic campaign to colonize the mountaintops (so often
containing the historical sites where Zionists hoped to return) in 1967.
As Weizman noted, as there was little experience of building in the
mountains, the "battle for the hilltops" began with an intensive aerial
photography project; the West Bank became "the most photographed terrain
in the world," to the topographic groundwork for occupation and
cultivation. His photos of settlements were haunting, capturing such
bizarre imagery as the trompe l'oeil paintings of an idealized rural scene
on a looming wall dividing Israelis from Palestinians. His images of
stucco-and-tiled houses surrounded by walls and deserts eerily replicated
Las Vegas suburbia (the American gated community represents a similar, if
less overtly political, securitization of space). For Weizman, the
land-use patterns characterized by vast walls, barricades, even the
planting of pine trees to forestall the planting of olive groves (by
Palestinians) amount to a military action, and he says architects should
be prosecuted for war crimes. Weizman did not disagree when an audience
member compared the settlements (a "postmodern diaspora," he called it, ad
hoc nation-building) to some new version of the shtetl, the Jewish ghetto
so ruthlessly and architecturally demarcated by the Nazis. The "two-state
solution," Weizman conclude, "is a design solution that doesn't work."

During the weeks of war coverage, it became typical to see a military
analyst or general standing before an aerial photograph of Baghdad,
pointer in hand, cataloging the damage done to a ministry building while
its neighbors, in most cases, appeared remarkably intact (Michael Sorkin
recently referred to this as a "good building/bad building" dichotomy)no
indication of casualties, no "on the ground" perspective. And yet how
often have we seen this same presentation by architects and planners, this
Olympian perspective of spatial rearrangement in which humans are absent
or simply a statistical "user mix"? Listening to a number of
presentations, it soon occurred to me, as I grew lost in the fog of
architectural discourse, that much of what passes for the language of
architecture icy, jargon-laden, bolstered by a reliance on dehumanized,
abstract "spatial production" and other clinical terms bears a certain
resemblance to the language of modern military planning, with its
"battlespace," "kill boxes," "network-centric warfighting operations," and
the deck of cards depicting high ranking Iraquis as characters.

What both of these languages, and both of these practices which both
involve the physical manipulation of human relations neglect is the human
equation, the people who live and die in these theorized constructs. When
Bratton discussed the suicide bomber as the proponent of a
"counter-habitation" of space, the act of bombing a "suspension of the
premise of habitation itself," or when he described the World Trade Center
attack as a form of architectural criticism, he was, beyond offering an
implicit condonement, resorting to the spatial, strategic primacy of
military thinking itself (suicide bombing victims would thus be
"collateral damage" to act of counter-habitation), wherein there are no
crimes, no victims. Bratton's formulation was of a symbolic piece with
that influential Naval War College thesis, which bore the infamous title
"Shock and Awe," with the lesser known subtitle, "Achieving Rapid
Dominance." That document, which seeks the immediate control of the
"operational environment," articulates its mantra thus: "The goal of Rapid
Dominance will be to destroy or so confound the will to resist that an
adversary will have no alternative except to accept our strategic aims and
military objectives."

Neither war nor architecture are immune from the violence of language.

+++

"The Future of War: Aesthetics, Politics, Technologies" took place at The
New School, New York, NY, USA, May 2-3, 2003 and was organized by the
Lower Manhattan Cultural Council's new media initiative, Thundergulch.

Tom Vanderbilt is a Brooklyn-based writer and the author of Survival City:
Adventures Among the Ruins of Atomic America (Princeton Architectural
Press, 2002.) http://www.papress.com/bookpage.tpl?isbn68983050

Comments

, marc garrett

Pretty intriguing stuff…

marc


> hey all -
> this just in:
> ————
>
> War as Architecture
> by Tom Vanderbilt
>
> [published summer 2003 in The Knowledge Circuit, Design
> Institute, University of Minnesota]
>
> http://design.umn.edu/go/knowledgeCircuit/smr03.1.vanderbilt
>
> NEW YORK, NY. War, as the old Clausewitzian saw goes, is the extension of
> politics by other means. As we have been reminded in recent months, there
> may be cause for a new dictum: War is the extension of architecture by
> other means.
>
> Apart from the obvious architectural connotations of war the need for
> defensive shelter, the status of architecture as a target there is a
> breadth of associative meaning between the two enterprises: both are about
> the exercise of control over a territory; both involve strategic
> considerations of the most apt site-specific solutions; both involve the
> use of symbol, rhetoric, and cultural context.
>
> In the Iraq campaign, the architectural connotations were legion, from the
> New York Times Op-Ed writer who commented upon the fact that the
> Hausmannian avenues and relatively low, dispersed skyline of Baghdad boded
> well for its military penetration; to the surgical extraction of
> architectural assets, shown in remarkable overhead clarity by the
> satellite imagery of Evans and Sutherland, looking like the aerial mosaics
> employed by urban planners (in fact, aerial warfare and urban planning
> have long shared an eerie confluence of language and tactics, and even
> practioners, as in the Air Forces Curtis LeMay, who studied urban planning
> before overseeing the devastating aerial campaign on Japan); to the mere
> fact that the rebuilding of Iraq will cost far more than its invasion.
> More than a war of destruction, this is a war of construction. The terrain
> itself was filled with three-dimensional militarism; an absolutist regime
> produces absolutist architecture, after all, and nowhere was that better
> signified than in Saddam Husseins crossed swords monument, fashioned from
> the melted metal of Iraqi weaponry, festooned with myriad helmets (some
> even functioned as speed bumps) taken from some of the one million
> soldiers who died in the Iran-Iraq war. Architecture, or a gesture of war
> itself?
>
> Architecture, like war, is never entirely one thing, but a condition,
> occasioned by culture and history, mediated by time and opinion. As Wayne
> Ashley, curator of Thundergulch (the new media initiative of the Lower
> Manhattan Cultural Council) and organizer of "The Future of War," said in
> leading off the event, buildings can be seen as secure environments, but
> also as objects to be destroyed. Is that really a hospital, or a weapons
> cache? Is that an office building, or a symbol of imperialist domination?
> As participants were to reiterate in different ways, architecture can be
> the object of terrorism, or it can be terrorism: Mohammed Atta was a
> student of urban planning; and as cultural theorist Benjamin Bratton
> pointed out, a member of the "Black September" team of terrorists at the
> 1976 Munich Olympics was an architect who had worked on the complex they
> occupied. War can be erased by terrorism or in some strange way
> constructed by terrorism; who knew anything about the unremarkable Alfred
> P. Murrah building before "Oklahoma City" as the event itself has come to
> be known? The entire city has been collapsed by the metaphoric weight of
> the bombing, turning the building into a shrine, more visited than any
> architectural landmark known for its aesthetic merits.
>
> One might reduce war to violence and art to aesthetics, but it is more
> useful, albeit more unsettling, to explore what happens when one removes
> those perceived oppositions. This was one of the underlying themes of the
> "Future of War" conference, to "challenge comfortable categories" as
> moderator Helen Nissenbaum phrased it at the outset of the opening panel,
> "The Aesthetics and Politics of Technologized Warfare." While the first
> presenter, the artist Joy Garnett, spoke while behind her on the screen
> flashed images of her paintings drawn from the haunting imagery of the
> military complex, stark images of contrails streaking through a night sky
> ("Tracer Fire") or stealth bombers in patterned flight. Her paintings,
> which seek to use a more primal medium to wrest meaning out of an image
> saturated environment, evoked from one audience member a comparison to the
> recent use of "satellite phones" by embedded correspondents in Iraq. Did
> the shaky, pixellated images, with literal and figurative gaps in their
> composition, obscure the "reality" of what was happening or did their
> low-tech immediacy actually enhance the realism? We needed a McLuhan was
> the satphone a "hot" or "cool" medium?
>
> Imagery is another condition shared by war and architecture: just as most
> of us do not experience war, we often do not experience architecture;
> rather, we "know" a building (through its repeated transmission) via
> photography. But images do not just happen, they are created, and for a
> reason. Many of Garnett's paintings were drawn from weapons effects
> testing in the Nevada desert in the 1950s. The hundreds of thousands of
> images (still and moving) generated by this activity were, largely,
> classified for many decades. These were "images as dangerous as the
> isotopes that produced them," she noted. Images as toxic waste, to be
> buried beneath the sand. Inherent in her work is a questioning of the
> "effects" of classifying these "effects tests." What happens when imagery
> is removed, left in the dark for decades? What happens when it is returned
> to the light? Scratchy footage of atomic tests from the Nevada deserts, as
> men in goggles look on, functions nowadays more as historical kitsch than
> pure horror. It has been sanitized by time, rendered as a strictly
> historical document. "Declassification" speaks to their political and
> aesthetic impotence. Of course, the weapons tests were hardly secret
> people gathered on predawn Las Vegas rooftops to view them. They saw in
> the blasts (they never saw the "effects") something else: perhaps a
> sublime beauty, felt perhaps an awed speechless and frightened reverence
> towards man's ability for self-destruction.
>
> Tom Keenan, director of the Human Rights project at Bard College,
> presented a countervailing narrative of sorts: He wanted to explore what
> he calls "the paradoxes of openness." In other words, contrary to the idea
> that war is a secret activity whose violence occurs off camera, away from
> the public eye, and contrary to the notion that it could thus be fought
> against if people only knew what was going on "mobilizing shame" in the
> words of human rights groups Keenan argued that there is "nothing in art
> that resists violence." Images and exposure do not necessarily stop war
> in fact they may even "lead the charge," according to Keenan. He screened
> footage from the Kosovo campaign that showed Serbian troops looting
> villages near Pristina. They did not seem to be taking much, the BBC
> correspondent noted, they merely seemed to be putting on a symbolic
> display. The fatal moment came when one militia member, Kalishnakov rifle
> in hand, waved to the cameras. The casualness of the gesture was
> disturbing: They were not afraid of their violence being exposed, indeed
> they seemed to welcome it. Keenan followed with another example, this time
> the humanitarian intervention of U.S. troops in Somalia. He used the
> example of the first Marine landing, a supposedly secret, "tactical"
> approach that came ashore to a cavalcade of some 600 journalists, in full
> klieg light, drawn like moths to the flame. As one Marine commander
> worried about the presence of the press, a journalist chided back: "Like
> you didn't know we were going to be here." The military, the media, both
> were joint players in a performance, each feeling a bit awkward in the
> role. Later, when an audience member decried the corporate ownership of
> the U.S. media and the shortage of available imagery and information from
> Iraq, Keenan begged to differ, noting the abundance of information sources
> made possible by the internet and other outlets. The question was not, as
> he put it, what the media was doing about the war, it was what we were
> doing about it.
>
> Art has been intricately intertwined with war at least since the days of
> Leonardo da Vinci, whose drawings of siege engines and other commissions
> for the Borgias rival anything in his corpus in terms of technique and
> mastery. Those drawings, which in some cases presented fantastic new
> visions of what war could be, are echoed in the simulation programs the
> military now uses, created by partnerships involving the film and computer
> programming industries. Art can even be used in the conduct of war e.g.,
> it was recently revealed by a Spanish historian that a group of anarchists
> in Spain during the Civil War had employed specially designed cells,
> outfitted with surrealist decor inspired by Dali and Bunuel, for what they
> called "psychotechnic" torture; as El Pais described, "The avant garde
> forms of the moment surrealism and geometric abstraction were thus used
> for the aim of committing psychological torture."
>
> So too can architecture become a weapon, as revealed in a fascinating
> presentation (part of a panel entitled "Architecture, Violence, and Social
> (In)Security") by Eyal Weizman, a Tel Aviv-based architect. Weizman,
> detailing the spread of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, noted their
> "panopticon" like arrangement over neighboring Palestinian villages
> (usually at a lower elevation) as well as their linkage, in certain cases,
> by infrastructural devices (roads, tunnels) that bypass intervening zones
> of Palestinian autonomy. Thus the Israeli superhighway soars over
> Palestinian farmland, creating, as Weizman put it, "sovereignty in three
> dimensions." The landscape as a whole, as he put it, is "in effect an
> artificial arrangement of a totally synthetic environment, as designed as
> any built environment, within which all 'natural' elements like streams
> and mountains, forest orchards, rocks and ruins function not as the things
> being fought for but as the very weapons of the conflict."
>
> Weizman surveyed the architectural history of West Bank settlement, from
> the frontier like "tower and stockade" outposts of the 1930s, in which
> walled compounds were connected visually by tower reconnaissance and Morse
> Code; to the energetic campaign to colonize the mountaintops (so often
> containing the historical sites where Zionists hoped to return) in 1967.
> As Weizman noted, as there was little experience of building in the
> mountains, the "battle for the hilltops" began with an intensive aerial
> photography project; the West Bank became "the most photographed terrain
> in the world," to the topographic groundwork for occupation and
> cultivation. His photos of settlements were haunting, capturing such
> bizarre imagery as the trompe l'oeil paintings of an idealized rural scene
> on a looming wall dividing Israelis from Palestinians. His images of
> stucco-and-tiled houses surrounded by walls and deserts eerily replicated
> Las Vegas suburbia (the American gated community represents a similar, if
> less overtly political, securitization of space). For Weizman, the
> land-use patterns characterized by vast walls, barricades, even the
> planting of pine trees to forestall the planting of olive groves (by
> Palestinians) amount to a military action, and he says architects should
> be prosecuted for war crimes. Weizman did not disagree when an audience
> member compared the settlements (a "postmodern diaspora," he called it, ad
> hoc nation-building) to some new version of the shtetl, the Jewish ghetto
> so ruthlessly and architecturally demarcated by the Nazis. The "two-state
> solution," Weizman conclude, "is a design solution that doesn't work."
>
> During the weeks of war coverage, it became typical to see a military
> analyst or general standing before an aerial photograph of Baghdad,
> pointer in hand, cataloging the damage done to a ministry building while
> its neighbors, in most cases, appeared remarkably intact (Michael Sorkin
> recently referred to this as a "good building/bad building" dichotomy)no
> indication of casualties, no "on the ground" perspective. And yet how
> often have we seen this same presentation by architects and planners, this
> Olympian perspective of spatial rearrangement in which humans are absent
> or simply a statistical "user mix"? Listening to a number of
> presentations, it soon occurred to me, as I grew lost in the fog of
> architectural discourse, that much of what passes for the language of
> architecture icy, jargon-laden, bolstered by a reliance on dehumanized,
> abstract "spatial production" and other clinical terms bears a certain
> resemblance to the language of modern military planning, with its
> "battlespace," "kill boxes," "network-centric warfighting operations," and
> the deck of cards depicting high ranking Iraquis as characters.
>
> What both of these languages, and both of these practices which both
> involve the physical manipulation of human relations neglect is the human
> equation, the people who live and die in these theorized constructs. When
> Bratton discussed the suicide bomber as the proponent of a
> "counter-habitation" of space, the act of bombing a "suspension of the
> premise of habitation itself," or when he described the World Trade Center
> attack as a form of architectural criticism, he was, beyond offering an
> implicit condonement, resorting to the spatial, strategic primacy of
> military thinking itself (suicide bombing victims would thus be
> "collateral damage" to act of counter-habitation), wherein there are no
> crimes, no victims. Bratton's formulation was of a symbolic piece with
> that influential Naval War College thesis, which bore the infamous title
> "Shock and Awe," with the lesser known subtitle, "Achieving Rapid
> Dominance." That document, which seeks the immediate control of the
> "operational environment," articulates its mantra thus: "The goal of Rapid
> Dominance will be to destroy or so confound the will to resist that an
> adversary will have no alternative except to accept our strategic aims and
> military objectives."
>
> Neither war nor architecture are immune from the violence of language.
>
> +++
>
> "The Future of War: Aesthetics, Politics, Technologies" took place at The
> New School, New York, NY, USA, May 2-3, 2003 and was organized by the
> Lower Manhattan Cultural Council's new media initiative, Thundergulch.
>
> Tom Vanderbilt is a Brooklyn-based writer and the author of Survival City:
> Adventures Among the Ruins of Atomic America (Princeton Architectural
> Press, 2002.) http://www.papress.com/bookpage.tpl?isbn68983050
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
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